NOW THEN, before moving on with the introduction to Japanese history, I should preface this section with the statement that the basic objective is to provide minimal but adequate context demonstrating that Japan had developed the basic societal traits that lent it to being open to receiving both Confucianism and Buddhism in succession. Though there were numerous conflicts with reactionary elements, such as the Mononobe and Nakatomi, after Buddhism gained favor with the Imperial Court, such conflict gave impetus to Kukai to employ Expedient Means on a grand scale to create the foundational esoteric schema of what would later be called Shinbutsu Shugo (syncretization of the Buddhas and Kami).
The schema and the diverse hermeneutics that it spawned served to energized the Japanese religious milieu, and provided a degree of resilience in times of crisis. The system was there for people to fall back for guidance in trying to recuperate lost equilibrium. In effect, it represents a sort of matrix that is capable of supporting varied modes of pluralism.
The Japanese had put in place a form of social infrastructure that facilitated their being open to giving the Christian teaching a hearing, to see what they could learn from it, how it might further contribute to the development of their pluralistic religious culture.
JAPAN
Japan, which, due in part to its remoteness and natural island defenses, was one of the last countries in the world to develop advanced cultural attributes, such as a writing system. So, though there are no written records from the Japanese themselves until the 8th century, a fair amount about the early history of Japan can be gleaned through archeological remains, as well fragmentary records from Chinese sources.
Like the Sumerians, Egyptians, Chinese, Ancient Greeks, Celts, and so on, the Japanese emerge from the obscurity of pre-history demonstrating the distinctive modes of culture that had sustained their budding civilization.
To begin with, we know from archeological evidence that the pre-historical (i.e., before records were kept) Japanese of the Jomon period had developed substantial primitive cultural resources by no later than 6,000 years ago (maybe as far back as 14,000BCE). Chinese records include a physiological description which distinguishes the Japanese people as a genotype of sorts, and provide important historical information, particularly with respect to a female ruler named Himiko (the Chinese referred to the country of Japan as “Wa”, and to Himiko’s domain as “Yamataikoku”).
The archeological evidence supports the Chinese observations of the existence of a distinctive set of physical features, such as facial features, and also marks the transition to the same physiological features with respect to modern Japanese, which one would assume to have come about as a result of the intermingling of the genetic pool of the people of Jomon derivation and the people who brought wet-rice agriculture to Japan.
A hundred years or so before Chinese writing was to be introduced into Japan, along with the Confucian classics, a Chinese source recount a request from Himiko of Yamataikoku for assistance in suppressing some form of internal strife that threatened her rule and the social order of her domain. Her request was granted by the Chinese, and aside from putting down the revolt, the Chinese presented her with some of the ubiquitous bronze mirrors dispersed throughout East Asia that are indicative of the strength of Chinese cultural influence.
The bronze mirrors of Ancient China were formed in a shape resembling the ancient Chinese character for the sun, and were regarded as a symbol of wisdom and represented high social status.
The first government organ established in Ancient Japan after the introduction of written language via the Confucian Classics was a Bureau of Divination, which probably served to predict the dates for sowing and harvesting, etc. and other dates related to the social practices of a sedentary wet-rice farming society.
Chinese historical records bear accounts of tribute being paid by the people of Wa at the Chinese Court of the Han Dynasty, etc. Japan’s suzerainty to China continued up until the manner of address used in a letter to the Chinese Court by Shotoku Taishi which effectively ended that status at the outset of the 7th century. Japan had come of age at that point, so to speak, and Prince Shotoku had implemented a seventeen point constitution based on Confucianism and Buddhism that was advanced for its time.
Japan had ongoing relations with the Kingdoms of the Korean peninsula over the centuries. Alliance was mainly with Packche, but ties with the others also existed, and cultural influences from Goguryeo are also prominent.
Suffice it to say that a fair amount of the continental culture reaching Japan from the Qin through early Tang dynasties was introduced to Japan via Korea. Japan began to surpass the fractious Kingdoms on the Korean peninsula however, by assimilating culture directly from the Chinese, and developing that culture to the extent that a good deal of what remains to us today of East Asian culture from that period is preserved in Japan. I’ve heard that Chinese students come to Japan today to learn about aspects of Tang Dynasty architecture and the like.
A prominent example of a Japanese individual that excelled to an extent that his achievements stand out among the greatest of East Asian luminaries is Kukai.
Kukai (774-835) was a figure whose career straddled the Nara (710-794) and Heian (794-1185) periods. At that time in history, Nara was the easternmost terminal of the Silk Road, and the treasury of the Shosoin has fine examples of silk textiles preserved from that period made outside of Japan. The dedication of the Great Buddha at Todaiji Temple brought Buddhist luminaries from as far off as Persia. Japan had emerged as a bastion of civilization during the halcyon years of Buddhist influence across Asia.
Upon Kukai’s arrival at the temple in Tang China (805) where he was to undergo training in Buddhism in China, the head monk (Hui-ko) was immediately impressed with his presence, and Kukai eventually was made the leader of the sect, which effectively was transferred to Japan, where it flourished and was further developed by Kukai.
With respect to cultural achievements, though I haven’t heard anyone else articulate this insight before—maybe a first here—it has occurred to me that the development of the phonetic alphabet of Japan, the kana syllabary, in the 7th century or so was a direct precursor to the development of the Korean syllabary in the 15th century, nearly 800 years later. I haven’t ever heard anyone characterize that as a case of Japan exporting culture to Korea, but in the final analysis, that is basically what happened, in my estimation, though in an indirect fashion.
The Japanese kana syllabary was developed by reducing phonemes of Chinese characters in a manner such as to use them to represent only the sounds, not the meanings. The Korean syllabary was developed to be graphical representations of the anatomical sound production mechanism of each sound, theoretically speaking. The mechanisms for combining the syllables to make works, however, are very similar. In Japan, one theory holds that the syllabary was developed to enable Buddhist monks to read the Sutras. It was a very time consuming workload to become literate in Chinese at that point, and very few enjoyed the burdensome privilege. The development of the kana syllabary proved an effective vehicle to bring literacy to a wide swath of the Japanese population; in fact, they were one of the most literate populations in the world, the most literate during the Edo period, I believe. The Koreans were of course aware of the situation, and it may have been a catch up effort to develop a similar system for their own population.
Whereas I have been exposed, on the one hand, to a grating cacophony of voices megaphoning bigoted accusations asserting that Japan owes its cultural heritage to Korea, even through long-established English language print media here such as the Japan Times, this is one monumental example that demonstrates that cultural exchange was mutual, and dynamic. Moreover, it demonstrates that, with respect to literacy, Japan has been one of the most advanced, nay, a pioneering country from very early on.
Aside from that basic fact, the efforts of Kukai and others to facilitate co-existence of pluralistic religious culture shows that the Japanese developed a depth of cultural resources for coping with just the sort of monocular and unilateral distortions being leveled by people like Eric Johnston and John Dougill. Japan has produced a number of great scholars and religious figures whose works still inspire to this day. I, for one, have benefited enormously from those works, which represent contributions to the cultural heritage of mankind at large, and I intend to demonstrate that here, at the expense of those who prefer to dwell in the shadows of their secret societies, like Mr. Dougill and Mr. Johnston, as opposed to the light of day.
Due to time limitations, I am going to simply throw out some blocks of text from Wikipedia that demonstrate the degree of ignorance, deliberate deception, and multidimensional bigotry found in the article by Mr. Johnston.
Emperor Kammu
Kammu's personal name (imina) was Yamabe (山部?).[5] He was the eldest son of Prince Shirakabe (later known as Emperor Kōnin), and was born prior to Shirakabe's ascension to the throne.[6]According to the Shoku Nihongi (続日本紀?), Yamabe's mother, Yamato no Niigasa (later called Takano no Niigasa), was a descendant of King Muryeong of Baekje.[7]
Takano no Niigasa
Takano no Niigasa (高野新笠) (ca.720 – 790) …
…was a daughter of Yamato no Ototsugu…
Yamato no Ototsugu, Niigasa's father, was a noble of Baekje origin/ The Title of Yamato clan had been Yamato no Fubito (和史, lit. "Scribe of Yamato") and later given a new title, Takano no Asomi (高野朝臣). Shoku Nihongi describes the Yamato clan as a distant descendant of an exiled prince of Baekje, son of King Muryeong of Baekje. Nihon Shoki mentions that the prince died in Japan in 513. The Yamato clan had persisted for 200 years by the time of Niigasa's birth, longer than many other aristocratic clans of foreign origin, such as the Kudara no Konikishi clan.
Toraijin
1. a foreigner who crossed the sea into another country; typically into Japan
Chinese and Korean immigrants who were naturalized in ancient Japan were called toraijin. They introduced many aspects of Chinese culture to Japan. Valuing their knowledge and culture, the Yamato government gave preferential treatment to toraijin. The elements of Chinese culture introduced to the Yamato Imperial Court are very important.[5] According to the book Shinsen Shōjiroku compiled in 815, a total 154 out of 1,182 noble families in the Kinai are on Honshū Island were regarded as people with foreign genealogy. The book specifically mentions 163 were from China, 104 such families from Baekje, 41 from Goguryeo, 6 from Silla, and 3 from Gaya.[6] They might be families that moved to Japan between the years A.D.356-645.
Chinese migration
Many important figures were also immigrants from China. Chinese immigrants also had considerable influence according to the Shinsen Shōjiroku,[6] which was used as a directory of aristocrats. Yamato Imperial Court had officially edited the directory in 815, and 163 Chinese clans were registered.
According to Nihon Shoki, the Hata clan, which was composed of descendants of Qin Shi Huang,[7]arrived at Yamato in 403 (the fourteenth year of Ōjin) leading the people of 120 provinces. According to the Shinsen Shōjiroku, the Hata clan were dispersed in various provinces during the reign of Emperor Nintoku and were made to undertake sericulture and the manufacturing of silk for the court. When the finance ministry was set up in Yamato Court, Hata Ōtsuchichi (秦大津父) was in charge of accounts as a minister of it.
In 409 (the twentieth year of Ōjin), Achi-no-Omi, the ancestor of the Yamato-Aya clan, which was also composed of Chinese immigrants, arrived with people from 17 districts. According to the Shinsen Shōjiroku, Achi obtained the permission to establish the Province of Imaki. The Kawachi-no-Fumi clan, descendants of Gaozu of Han, introduced aspects of Chinese writing to the Yamato court.
The Takamuko clan is a descendant of Cao Cao. Takamuko no Kuromaro was a center member of Taika Reform.[8]
Korean migration
Among the many Korean immigrants who settled in Japan beginning in the 4th century, some came to be the progenitors of Japanese clans. According to Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, the oldest record of a Silla immigrant is Amenohiboko, a legendary prince of Silla who settled to Japan at the era of Emperor Suinin, perhaps around the 3rd or 4th century.
Korean immigrants also include the Baekje royal family. King Muryeong of Baekje was born in 462, and left a son in Japan who settled there. According to the historical documents in the Nihon Shoki, his father was sent to Japan as a hostage.[9]
Language
Chinese, Korean and Japanese wrote accounts of history mostly in Chinese characters, making original pronunciations difficult to trace.
While writing was largely unknown to the indigenous Japanese of this period, the literary skills of foreigners seem to have become increasingly appreciated by the Japanese elite in many regions. The Inariyama sword, tentatively dated 471 or 531, contains Chinese-character inscriptions in styles used in China at the time, leading to speculation that the owner, though claiming to be a Japanese aristocrat, possibly could have been an immigrant.[10]According to the book of John Cater Covell published by the Korean company, "Inariyama sword, as well as some other swords discovered in Japan, utilized the Korean 'Idu' system of writing." The swords "originated in Paekche and that the kings named in their inscriptions represent Paekche kings rather than Japanese kings." The techniques for making these swords were the same styles from Korea.[11]
Haniwa
The cavalry wore armour, carried swords and other weapons, and used advanced military methods like those of north-east Asia. Evidence of these advances is seen in Haniwa(埴輪), the "clay ring" placed on and around the tomb mounds of the ruling elite. The most important of these haniwa were found in southern Honshū—especially the Kinai region around Nara prefecture—and northern Kyūshū. Haniwa grave offerings were made in numerous forms, such as horses, chickens, birds, fans, fish, houses, weapons, shields, sunshades, pillows, and male and female humans. Another funerary piece, the magatama, became one of the symbols of the power of the imperial house.
Introduction of material culture to Japan
Much of the material culture of the Kofun period is barely distinguishable from that of the contemporaneous southern Korean peninsula, demonstrating that at this time Japan was in close political and economic contact with continental Asia (especially with the southern dynasties of China) through Korea. Indeed, bronze mirrors cast from the same mould have been found on both sides of the Tsushima Strait. Irrigation, sericulture, and weaving were also brought to Japan by Chinese and Korean immigrants who are mentioned in the ancient Japanese histories. For instance, the Hata clan, of Chinese origin, introduced sericulture.
Qin Dynasty
Religion
Floating on high in every direction,
Music fills the hall and court.
The incense sticks are a forest of feathers,
The cloudy scene an obscure darkness.
Metal stalks with elegant blossoms,
A host of flags and kingfisher banners.
The music of the "Seven Origins" and "Blossoming Origins"
Are intoned as harmonious sounds.
Thus one can almost hear
The spirits coming to feast and frolic.
The spirits are seen off to the zhu zhu of the musics,
Which purifies and refines human feelings.
Suddenly the spirits ride off on the darkness,
And the brilliant event finishes.
Purified thoughts grow hidden and still,
And the warp and weft of the world fall dark.
Music fills the hall and court.
The incense sticks are a forest of feathers,
The cloudy scene an obscure darkness.
Metal stalks with elegant blossoms,
A host of flags and kingfisher banners.
The music of the "Seven Origins" and "Blossoming Origins"
Are intoned as harmonious sounds.
Thus one can almost hear
The spirits coming to feast and frolic.
The spirits are seen off to the zhu zhu of the musics,
Which purifies and refines human feelings.
Suddenly the spirits ride off on the darkness,
And the brilliant event finishes.
Purified thoughts grow hidden and still,
And the warp and weft of the world fall dark.
Han shu, p. 1046
The dominant religious belief in China during the reign of the Qin, and, in fact, during much of early imperial China, was focused on the shen (roughly translating to "spirits"), yin ("shadows"), and the realm they were said to live in. The Chinese offered sacrifices[note 15] in an attempt to contact this other world, which they believed to be parallel to the earthly one. The dead were said to simply have moved from one world to the other. The rituals mentioned, as well as others, served two purposes: to ensure that the dead journeyed and stayed in the other realm, and to receive blessings from the spirit realm.[note 16][40][41]
Religious practices were usually held in local shrines and sacred areas, which contained sacrificial altars. During a sacrifice or other ritual, the senses of all participants and witnesses would be dulled and blurred with smoke, incense, and music. The lead sacrificer would fast and meditate before a sacrifice to further blur his senses and increase the likelihood of perceiving otherworldly phenomena. Other participants were similarly prepared, though not as rigorously.
Such blurring of the senses was also a factor in the practice of spirit intermediaries, or mediumship. Practitioners of the art would fall into trances or dance to perform supernatural tasks. These people would often rise to power as a result of their art—Luan Da, a Han Dynasty medium, was granted rule over 2,000 households. Noted Han historian Sima Qian was scornful of such practices, dismissing them as foolish trickery.[42]
Divination—to predict and/or influence the future—was yet another form of religious practice. An ancient practice that was common during the Qin Dynasty was cracking bones or turtle shells to gain knowledge of the future. The forms of divination which sprang up during early imperial China were diverse, though observing natural phenomena was a common method. Comets, eclipses, and droughts were considered omens of things to come.[43]
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