As mentioned in the first post I did about Shoji Nishida (Nishida Shoji: https://kyoto-inside-out.blogspot.com/2022/04/who-is-shoji-nishida.html), in which I briefly introducing his connection to my wife's right-wing associates working in government agencies, etc., that blogpost was the only source in English with a headline that named him in relation to the criminal charges that have been filed against him and the Kyoto Prefectural chapter of the LDP. I myself missed the article, published by the Asahi Shimbun on March 22, 2022, as he is not in the title of the article ("Lawyers accuse Kyoto Prefecture LDP chapter of vote buying") was not returned in the search results at the time : https://www.asahi.com/ajw/articles/14578748 , and Nishida is mentioned only once in the article.
While there had been no new news since that post until last week, when new evidence emerged against Nishida, this post will focus on his work with and for the assassinated Abe Shinzo (https://kyoto-inside-out.blogspot.com/2019/11/who-was-japanese-war-criminal-nobusuke.html) with the aim of revising the Constitution of Japan.
As I have briefly mentioned before on this blog and covered in the lawsuit against the CIA et al, it has been the U.S. government's secret foreign policy to promote revision of Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan so that Japan could be made to join in U.S. led wars against Russia, China, North Korea, etc., communist countries in East Asia against whom the D.C.<==>Wall St. revolving door-centric U.S. capitalist order seeks to create fascistic capitalist countries to send to fight against.
In short, the U.S. capitalists base part of their foreign policy on promoting the establishment of right-wing fascists in order to incorporate them into their predestined fight against communists.
It is, of course, based on a false dichotomy between "capitalism" and "communism," which should be obvious from the evolution of the Communist Party of Russia and of China with their economic rationalization and modernization, etc., but that is a theoretical discussion for another post.
In this post, I am presenting below the English translation in full of an article published by the Kyoto Minpo newspaper published in June 2019, which is still available for viewing online at their website: https://www.kyoto-minpo.net/archives/2019/06/08/post-23362.php
Their thoroughgoing presentation of content posted on his own homepage provides a fairly in depth view of the point in his ultra-nationalistic political views that represent a threat to the Constitutional and social order of Japan, and which are parallel to the aims of CIA operatives I have blogged about to some degree here, including CIA fascists like Robert D. Eldredge (https://kyoto-inside-out.blogspot.com/2016/10/kristopher-tate-and-robert-d-eldridge.html). I should right another post about Robrt D. Edlridge, but there is only so much time to devote to such suspected CIA sociopaths once they have been exposed as such.
Accordingly, this post focuses on introducing the sociopolitical and historical context of the aims encompassed by efforts to revise the Constitution of Japan as promoted by CIA influenced politicos like Abe Shinzo and Nishida Shoji. I was fortunate enough to come across this article in my recent online research, as it does a very good job of presenting these important points with reference to the original sources on Nishida's own homepage.
So, without further ado, here is the English translation of the Kyoto Minpo article.
LDP Member of the House of Councillors (Upper House of
the National Diet of Japan) Repudiates Popular Sovereignty/Holds Irregular
Views on the Constitution of Japan, Maintaining that “Current Constitution of
Japan is Invalid”, Whitewashes Japan’s War of Aggression, and Calls for
Restoration of the Imperial Rescript on Education
Supports the Constitution
of the Empire of Japan (i.e., the Meiji Constitution) and calls for debate on
“acquiring nuclear weapons”
Heading for reelection in
the July election, the LDP member of the Upper House of the Japanese Diet,
Nishida Shoji (Kyoto District), makes a full frontal attack denying the
principles of popular sovereignty and pacifism enshrined in the Constitution of
Japan, repeatedly claiming that the Constitution itself is “invalid.” He
belongs to
the group of Diet members ("Nippon Kaigi Kokkaigiin
Kondanakai") affiliated with the Nippon Kaigi (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nippon_Kaigi). As a
vociferous supporter of Abe Shinzo’s administration efforts to revise the
Constitution of Japan, he headed the LDP committee that drafted a proposal
(2012) promoting revision of the Constitution of Japan to change Article 9 and make
Japan into a “country that wages war”.
Said he had “aimed to
capture” the Diet’s Committee for Studying the Constitution of Japan
Nishida’s views on the Constitution
are summed up in a article he authored entitled, “Report Directed to the Prime
Minister” (published by East Press in October 2013). In a chapter entitled,
“Lies about Revising the Constitution,” and under the subtitle of “The Current
Constitution of Japan is a Basic Law of Occupation,” he states that the
Constitution of Japan “was created by the GHQ while Japan was under occupation in
an era in which the Japanese people were not sovereign,” and that Article 9 of
the Constitution of Japan is “not a pronouncement renouncing war, but about pronouncement
abandoning the nation’s sovereign right to self-defense, which is inconceivable
for an independent nation.” He then asserts that “if many of the people of
Japan came to understand that this is not our Constitution, it would become
invalid at that point.”
The House of Councillors Committee for
Studying the Constitution of Japan, too, in February 2017 issued a statement
that, “The Constitution of Japan was created by GHQ during the occupation for
the purpose of fulfilling the aims of the occupation,” “comprising (the goal
of) changing the Japanese historical standpoint to that of the Federalism of
the United States.”
In the same publication by Nishida
cited above, he goes on to state that after the Constitution of Japan is “invalidated”
it will be followed by the “Constitution of the Empire of Japan” (i.e., Meiji
Constitution). Nishida maintains that, “There are those who claim that
sovereignty being vested in the Emperor is feudalistic, but Japanese tradition,
history, and culture demand that the authority of the Constitution be
symbolized by the Emperor,” and supports the pre-WWII constitution (i.e., Meiji
Constitution). In the same publication, he continues, “People in present day
Japan are always asserting their own rights in a selfish manner, and that is a
problem,” and calls for restoring the Meiji Constitution, asserting that it
“teaches us humility better than the current constitution,” and that “it
includes legal provisions for coping with emergency situations, and a schema
for defending the safety of the country.” Nishida’s assertions deny the theory
of the “natural rights of man” (i.e., the theory that all men are entitled to
liberty and equality before the law as human rights).
On his homepage, “Nishida Weekly,” Nishida
posts online videos of himself fielding questions in a question-and-answer
session he calls, “One Question, One Answer” In the December 2012 edition, he
claims that under the theory of the natural rights of man, sovereignty cannot
be explained as being vested in “Japanese people,” and that “Too many people,
upon hearing the phrase “popular sovereignty,” think that the People are at the
top of society.” He goes on to state that, “Popular sovereignty provides for a
“right of succession” received from our forebears who protected the history and
traditions of this country, and naturally, along with rights come duties and
obligations as two sides of the same coin,” denying constitutionalism (i.e., restricting
the exercise of power by the state with the Constitution in order to protect
human rights).
“Denial of human rights”
is reflected in the proposal to revise the Constitution of Japan”
Nishida’s thinking is reflected in the
proposal put forth by the Liberal Democratic Party to revise the Constitution
of Japan. In the “Q&A on the LDP Proposal to Revise the Constitution of
Japan,” it states that “Provisions touching on (natural human rights, etc.)
have been completely revamped.”
The Abe administration decided to
change its interpretation of the Constitution of Japan in July 2014, to permit
the government to exercise the right to collective defense, which is something
that successive Japanese administrations had prohibited since the end of WWII. That
destroys the principle of pacifism enshrined in the Constitution of Japan that
“Wars will not be fought overseas,” but Nishida had been leading calls to
“re-interpret and revise” the Constitution of Japan before that. In the same
publication, Nishida reasons that since the Self Defense Forces actually exist
in Japan, the Constitution of Japan has already been revised, claiming,
“Learning from this precedent, we can interpret that exercising the right to
collective self-defense is permissible.”
Nishida is also known for advocating
“debate on the acquisition of nuclear arms.” In his One Question, One Answer
online video series (April 2016), he states, “In order to maintain a state of
peace, the acquisition of nuclear weapons as a part of our military power
should be debated,” adding that “those who would forestall any thought of the
debate involving the word nuclear hold the lives of the people of Japan in
contempt.”
He whitewashes the war of aggression
Japan waged against its neighbors, claims that the comfort women problem is a
“fabrication,” and calls for reinstating the “Imperial Rescript on Education.”
Regarding the comfort women problem,
Nishida states, “It started from a fabricated story published by the Asahi
Newspaper, and got blown out of proportion until it developed into a diplomatic
problem between Korea and Japan” (One Question, One Answer, June 2016). He
criticized LGBT couples in an online video in Nishida Weekly (November 2017),
stating that LGBT couples “are not productive,” and in dialog with Mio Sugita
(LDP member of House of Councillors) he agreed that, “the comfort women were
not sexual slaves,” and that “they (comfort women) were not coerced into
following the military.”
Nishida has no remorse for
Japan’s invasions of its neighbors, claiming it “contributed to modernization”
With regard to the Imperial Rescript
on Education, which served as the ideological mainstay for promoting militarism
in prewar Japan, in the “Policies” section on Nishida’s homepage, he states, “I
want to make the most of the spirit of the Imperial Rescript on Education,” and
adds that, “The Imperial Rescript on Education was also abolished by GHQ.
Content-wise, the Imperial Rescript on Education conveys the values of Japanese
tradition, it can be understood in any age, and in any country. I want to use the
Imperial Rescript on Education in order to restore the dignity of the Japanese
people, and to convey the spirit of the Japanese to the next generation.”
Regarding Japan’s colonization of the Korean peninsula (1910: “Japanese Annexation of Korea”),
Nishida states that, “Korea became a part of Japan, but that was based on
agreement between the two governments,” and “Japan did not intend to implement
colonial policies such as those of the United States,” acknowledging Japan’s
war of aggression on Korea and whitewashing it (One Question, One Answer, December
2018).
Ÿ
Denies the
legitimacy of the Constitution of Japan
ž
The present Constitution
of Japan was created under occupation by the GHQ during a period when the
Japanese people did not have sovereignty. (Omission) Article 9 of the
Constitution of Japan is not a pronouncement renouncing war, but about pronouncement
abandoning the nation’s sovereign right to self-defense, which is inconceivable
for an independent nation. (Omission) If many of the people of Japan came to
understand that this is not our Constitution, it would become invalid at that
point (Report Directed to the Prime Minister).
ž
The Liberal Democratic
Party has issued a proposal for revising the Constitution of Japan. It clearly states
the obligation to defend the country, and sets forth a system of legal
provisions that enable the protection of the people of Japan in times of
emergency. However, the current Constitution of Japan is a constitution that was
imposed on Japan by GHQ during the occupation of Japan; therefore, it must be
stated that the current Constitution of Japan does not have the status of a
constitution, but only that of the basic law under the occupation. Originally,
a constitution is something that represents the character of a country (under “Policies”
on Nishida’s homepage).
ž
Under the theory of the
natural rights of man, sovereignty cannot be explained as being vested in
“Japanese people.” Too many people, upon hearing the phrase “popular
sovereignty,” think that the People are at the top of society. (Omission) Popular
sovereignty provides for a “right of succession” received from our forebears
who protected the history and traditions of this country, and naturally, along
with rights come duties and obligations as two sides of the same coin (One
Question, One Answer, December 2018).
Ÿ
Acknowledging
Japan’s wars of aggression and whitewashing them
ž
“I want to make the most
of the spirit of the Imperial Rescript on Education…” The Imperial Rescript on
Education was also abolished by GHQ. Content-wise, the Imperial Rescript on
Education conveys the values of Japanese tradition, it can be understood in any
age, and in any country. I want to use the Imperial Rescript on Education in
order to restore the dignity of the Japanese people, and to convey the spirit
of the Japanese to the next generation (under “Policies” on Nishida’s homepage).
ž
In 1910 Japan annexed of
Korea, Nishida states that, “Korea became a part of Japan, but that was based
on agreement between the two governments. Japan did not intend to implement
colonial policies such as those of the United States. To the contrary, Japan poured
a tremendous amount of money into the Korean peninsula, contributing greatly to the modernization of
the Korean peninsula (One Question, One Answer, December 2018).
When asked, “Councillor Nishida, what
do you feel when you visit the Yasukuni shrine?” Nishida responded that, “When
I am in Tokyo, I visit the Yasukuni shrine almost every day, and when I read the
poems written by the emperor, I feel as if the words have come to be addressed
to me. (Omission) I realize, when I visit the Yasukuni shrine, that the reason
we are living in peace as we do today is because the souls of the heroes
enshrined here sacrificed their lives. Starting with the background of the
present Constitution of Japan that was imposed on us by GHQ, I have been
exerting myself as a Councillor to enlighten the Japanese people of the
deception to which they have been subjected since the end of WWII, but many
Japanese people do not even think about why we live in a state of peace today, and
they have not yet been awakened. To the souls of the heroes enshrined at the
Yasukuni shrine who fought and gave their order to protect the country, I feel sorrow
and shame (One Question, One Answer May 2017).
